Haití 🇭🇹 vrs Nicaragua 🇳🇮 LA CALLE SIGUE SIENDO DURA 

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‪Desde el año pasado supuestamente se había resuelto el problema de los viaticos y las condiciones de vivienda durante la concentración ya sea por encuentros oficiales/amistosos o por entrenemiento. La casa donde viven en Diriamba es pésima según lo q he escuchado de los jugadores. Pero sumado a eso están los viáticos. Llegan tarde y en realidad los jugadores utilizan sus viaticos para el mantenimiento de su físico y su equipamiento personal. Eso lo debería de pagar @FENIFUT. Esas son vitaminas, ungüentos, sauna, batido y tacos o botines de 🥅 fut como dicen por ahí. Sumado a esto de manera exponencial está el viaje de x horas a honduras. Dicen q no tienen para pagar avión comercial – cosa q lo dudo- pueden utilizar la fuerza aérea para hacer ese viaje. Q hagan algo. O talvez un mejor bus y que pagen  hotel para que descansen y q los juegos sean más distanciados lo q permitiría  descansar a los jugadores.

Pero saben q en todo hay una trama y se nota de lejos – a mi me parece que la federación no quiere gastar el dinero en los jugadores. Me pregunto que diría la directiva de la FIFA a la luz de tantos destapes de corrupción. No habría mucha duda para tolerar ese tipo de comportamiento de la FENIFUT q no quiere gastar dinero.

Cuando @JaimeCiorciari mira toda la película es el único que puede hablar porque puede caer para atrás en un colchón q es el equipo donde juega como profesional. Los otros jugadores no tan así.

Los jugadores de Nicaragua son como cualquier profesional q le trabaja al estado bajo la FENIFUT – y por ende su prioridad es guardar su trabajo- y para eso se tienen que callar y lamerse las heridas en un rincón.

La verdad es q -no sé-cómo esperan resultados con esas condiciones? Estos jugadores si llevan la bandera en la espalda . Estos funcionarios de eso se aprovechan y le dan un trato socialista del siglo 21 a los jugadores – como Cuba. Esta bien cabron –

Lo ocurrido es lamentable q tendrá efectos en los jugadores.

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Evolution of the Theory

Along with the end of Cold War came the partition of the world, reviving ethno political conflict and demands of self-determination based on colonial legacies or territorial arrangements. Historical ethnic territories did not coincide with the new political nation-state boundaries. Several nationalities, under one state and controlled by one majority, demanded autonomy to preserve their territory. Self-determination became synonymous with “secessionism.” To most states self-determination remained a banned theme until the end of the cold war. “The resurgence of ethnicity as a conflictual battle cry in part results from the understandable attempt by many post –1945 states, in particular, to substitute ideology or technocracy for ethnic identity in the multinational society which nearly all new states inherited” (Hannum 1990:6).

Self-determination was perceived by the state as a step toward separation. It was a suspicious concept. Autonomy was also not given a great deal of consideration because the concept was, rightly or not, associated with self-determination struggles. “Outside the colonial context, any self-determination discourse was viewed with great suspicion by the government, seeing it as a first step into that slippery slope that inevitably led towards irredentist or secessionist claims” (Weller and Wolff 2005: 7).

Since the end of the cold war, more emphasis has been given to protect minority rights. Demands for autonomy have increased and more governments have recognized minority rights in their constitutions minority rights. In Latin America, Bolivia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Venezuela, Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Honduras, and Nicaragua reformed their constitutions to recognize various aspects of the rights of ethnic and indigenous people. Although the characteristic and historical evolution is different, the claim is the same: minority and indigenous people demanded autonomy.

Causes of Autonomy

Autonomy is attributed to a changing world with a concern in the national arena for the need of a changing vision of the state from a mono-ethnic entity to a more inclusive vision of a multiethnic society. Ethnic conflict has been most prevalent since the end of the Cold War. However, given that ethnic conflict does not represent a threat to the international balance of power, the international community has not recognized its relevant role and its implication in the changing world.

The use of autonomy as a species of group rights changed the character of international law hitherto denied them. Under the autonomy movement, groups also have obtained recognition, which has given new impetus to the currency of self-determination. At the domestic level, autonomy is beginning to transform our notions of the organization of the state, the rationalization of public power and the homogenizing mission of the state (Ghai 2000: 2).

In Minorities and Nationalistic: Managing Ethnopolitical Conflict in the New Century, Ted Robert Gurr (2001) stated that the claims made by ethno-political groups include material and political demands … (they) draw their strength from cultural and historical bonds, not associational one (P.163). Autonomy is the political framework designed to ensure control over certain territory, access to resource and power among minority groups. Autonomy is a vehicle for peaceful solution to ethnic conflict; minorities in conflict are most likely to favor peaceful solutions to participate in the nation state dynamic.  Autonomy is the term that we use when describing the recognition of power from the state to a regional government to control a territory. “The fundamental assumption today is that the devolution of autonomous decision-making power to an ethno-cultural or ethno racial community creates, in the diffusion of authority, a separate space and confers recognition in self-government pride. It may successfully serve to foster a culture and protect the identity of a people as their resources and environment” (Premdas 2001: 8).

In this regard, autonomy is the political entity that mediates conflicts between the central government and minority groups. Additionally, autonomy is a territorial lead based framework, which seeks to eliminate economic and political disadvantage of minority groups.  “Disadvantage means socially derived inequalities in material well-being, political access or cultural status by comparison with other social groups” (Gurr 2001: 169).

According to Ruth Lapidoth (1997), autonomy is a mean for diffusion of power in order to preserve the unity of a state while respecting the diversity of the population. It has been successful in some cases and failed in others.  In this thesis, I will use a definition of autonomy that “refers to territorial autonomy, which gives an ethnic group self-rule –political authority over a certain territory in order to govern its internal affairs to a determined extent.” (Cornell 2002: 249)

Territorial political autonomy is an arrangement aimed at granting a certain degree of self-identification to a group that differs from the majority of the population in the state, and yet constitutes the majority in a specific region. Autonomy involves a division of power between the central authorities and the autonomous entity (Lapidoth 1997:174-175).

The fundamental assumption is that autonomy refers to a diffusion of power to regulate territory. Autonomy is a tool to balance territorial conflict between the state and an ethnic group or indigenous people. This balance is difficult to achieve because the concept is constructed into each particular situation. Demographics and the territory change from time to time and each historical condition determines the creation of each particular case study of autonomy.

Despite this appreciation of the difficulty to define clearly what autonomy is, political scientist and international lawyers have not hesitated to propose a variety of definitions.  Michael Hechter (2000:114) describes ‘political autonomy’ as a state of affairs falling short of sovereignty. For Ted Robert Gur (1993:292) ‘autonomy means that a minority has a collective power base, usually a regional one, in a plural society.’ Hurst Hannum and Richard Lillich (1980: 859) state in their influential essay ‘The Concept of Autonomy in International Law’, that autonomy is understood to refer to independence of action at the internal or domestic level, as foreign affairs and defense normally are at the hand of the central or national government, but occasionally power to conclude international agreements concerning cultural or economic matters also may reside with the autonomous entity (Weller and Wolff 2005:12-13).

Related Studies

            Traditionally most studies focus on the premise that autonomy is a mean for diffusion of power in order to preserve the unity of a state. It is a method of resolving certain conflicts, and it is not common for regions to demand it (Lapidoth 1997). Responses to ethnic conflicts have ranged from oppression and ethnic cleansing to accommodations of ethnic claims through affirmative policies, special forms of representation, power sharing, and the integration of minorities. One of the most sought after, and resisted, devices for conflict management is autonomy (Ghai 2002). Autonomy seems to provide the path to maintaining unity of a kind, while conceding claims to self-government (Ghai 2002).

My contribution to the body of scholarship is to look at the advancement of the agricultural border as a key component of the territorial issue affecting the conflict settlement in Nicaragua. Brandan O’Leary and John McGarry stated in 1993 that autonomy is a difficult concept to define. Perhaps each historical condition and concrete evolution of the ethnic question overlaps a particular conceptualization. Because each historical evolution of the nation-state construction overlaps a particular concept of autonomy, the thesis will look at the major issue affecting the implementation of autonomy in Nicaragua. Latin American studies on autonomy and most of the arguments of scholars around Nicaraguan autonomy imply that the success of autonomy depends on the regulation of the law to implement the delimitation of the territory. However, the autonomy law of 1987 does not take into consideration the advancement of the agricultural border and its implication on shaping the future of the autonomy process. The social dynamic of Mestizo peasants living in poverty has been pressuring the indigenous lands. Landless peasants have been migrating to the Atlantic Coast, changing the political demography of the autonomous territories[7].

The theoretical contribution and perspective of the study is that autonomy in Nicaragua is a concept that needs to be explored by looking at the conflict that emerges from the territorial issue. In Nicaragua, the struggle is among Mestizo peasants, the central government, and minority groups. The recognition of minority groups to preserve their values and to exercise the autonomous regime are commitments the governments, states, and traditional political parties that retain control of the organization for governing societies do make. Each historical condition and concrete evolution of the ethnic minority question urges an update in framing this theory. In Latin American countries, with multi-ethnic societies such as Nicaragua, it becomes a challenge to build a nation-state and to develop and promote democracy. Internal cohesion and minority competence to govern is in direct relation to the capacity of building an inclusive nation-state. Therefore, a key to successfully build an inclusive nation-state rests on the political condition of the society in general and not entirely on the autonomy law.

It is essential to explore the relationship between minority groups and Mestizo peasants, experiencing discrimination and poverty, when looking at autonomy in multiethnic societies. Mestizo peasants living under these conditions pressure the communal territory for power and resources. Since autonomy is a protection for minority groups, Mestizo peasants’ agricultural practice endangers the livelihood of ethnic identity but also it is being marginalized (Mestizo peasants) from the nation-state framework.

Autonomy in Nicaragua

In Nicaragua, autonomy with no territory is not autonomy. The main purpose of autonomy is to preserve the territory to back up minority claims. The special meaning of territory is linked to the preservation of the group identity.  In this regard, the current connection between advancement of the agricultural border and political power are related to the praxis of the concept of autonomy and preservation of minority groups identity that “[t]he political implication of this connection between ethnicity and power is that any ethnic group that is conscious of its uniqueness, and wishes to preserve it, is involved in a struggle for political power –either retaining the measure of political power it possesses or striving to acquire the amount of power that it deems necessary to preserve its identity as a distinct ethnic group that is, to defeat the threats and size opportunity it faces.” (Wolf and Weller 2005:7) The recognition of indigenous identity has been undermined by liberals and conservative government in Nicaragua, according to Diaz Polanco (1997) “To acknowledge such an identity would have implied acceptance of an autonomous way of life for ethnic groups and, especially, respect for their subsistence base, their land and other communal resources, intensely coveted by both conservative and liberals.” (P. 9)

The current consequences of the advancement of the agricultural frontier

have shaped the regional election, shifting the allocation of power in the regional government. Today, the growing control of the Mestizo population over regional government and regional councils

has changed the profile of autonomy to a more Mestizo dominated decision making.

Autonomy implementation is an advantage for the majority (Mestizo peasant) and a disadvantage for the minority groups. Studies on the autonomy of Nicaragua do not examine how the advancement of the agricultural frontier has created community conflict over land between groups that compete for the same resources and power affecting the territorial autonomy.

Today, the advancement of Mestizo peasant into the indigenous territory has created discontent and further complication the autonomy framework. This advancement into communal lands has changed the political demographic of the autonomous regions to the point that the electoral process has become an advantage for political parties and the state to dilute minority claims for autonomy. Given that territory is the source of power for autonomy, the advancement has increased the tension to control the territory between minority groups, Mestizo peasants and the state.

Controlling territory is of great importance to ethnic groups because actors believe their survival depends on it. Nevertheless, each sees the relationship between territorial control and survival differently. For ethnic groups, territory is often a defining attribute of their identity, inseparable from their past and vital to their continued existence as a distinct group. States are defined by borders and therefore tend to view challenges to those borders as threats to their existence (Duffy 2001: 19).

The autonomy scenario is the territory. Monica Duffy Toft (2003) examined the meaning of territory in ethnic conflict and found that there is a close connection between identity and the occupation and control of a self-imagined territory that has largely been forgotten, both in social science theorizing and policy making. She argued that ethnic conflict is a function of how these actors (state and ethnic groups) view territory, which is intricately connected with each type of actor’s conception of survival.

Social groups in conflict exist in a material and cultural territory, defining their history, activities and future aspirations. A number of scholars have looked at autonomy as an exclusive conflict between two actors: the state and minority groups. Looking at the territorial conflict, the study can determine the actors in dispute. The Nicaraguan autonomy suggests that not only ethnic groups are demanding rights over land, but also Mestizo peasants who live in disadvantage and suffer depravation and discrimination. Throughout history, landless Mestizo peasants have sought for resources/territory in autonomous regions and have relied on the advancement of the agricultural border to address their problem.

This thesis contests that part of the solution for poverty, discrimination and human rights violations within the nation state framework in Nicaragua needs to include not only minority groups but also Mestizo peasants living in the same condition of depravation.

International and national tensions have continued after the settlement, but are more accentuated in Latin American countries with weak democracies, emerging from genocide dictatorships and leftist national movements of liberation. In this condition, democracy should ensure not only the implementation of autonomy, but also it should look at the rural society and how it is connected to the minority question. In Nicaragua, landless peasants as well as ethnic groups question democracies in multiethnic societies in terms of power and resource sharing. A close examination of traditional rural culture reveals a marked similarity between Mestizo peasants (and indigenous groups) with many aspect of Indian culture. It may be stated that these communities (Mestizo peasants) have an Indian culture but have lost the sense of identity that goes with it (Bonfil 2002). From time to time, autonomy in these conditions can struggle in its implementation.

CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

This thesis will examine the national minority question in Nicaragua, based on the interpretation the advancement of the agricultural border and how it affects the process of autonomy of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua. The exploratory research project examines the autonomy issues, particularly documenting the experience of the advancement of the agricultural border and the power allocation in the Regional Councils. This thesis also explores the advancement of the agricultural frontier and the election results to draw conclusions on the relationship between territory and power and how this influences the operation of autonomy in the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua.

Because the ability to implement autonomy should be associated with the possession of certain resources, minority groups commonly define autonomy this way (territorial control and power sharing).  These resources include cultural and religious preservation, population, territory, natural resources, economic well-being, and power allocation, among others. The virtue of this definition makes autonomy appear more concrete and measurable.

This study reviews secondary data to build a case study of the autonomy of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua by looking at key factors such as the advancement of the agricultural frontier and electoral results. These key components are used as indicators to measure the level of power and resource sharing among minorities. This study answers the following question: Although autonomy is an effective source for conflict settlement, can autonomy ensure power and resource distribution among minorities in Nicaragua?

The dynamic of the agricultural frontier and local elections are relevant to autonomy, considering the demographic growth of the Mestizo population and the change of the socio-political dynamic of autonomy in Nicaragua.  Data were collected into two themes. The dimension of the first theme was delimited by the advancement of the agricultural frontier (population growth, deforestation, farmed land, and the meaning of territory) as an indicator of threat to territorial autonomy. The second theme is power distribution, as an indicator to measure power allocation among minority groups (the regional election result measure the level of power sharing) in the regional government.

Analysis of documents and existing statistics are the most appropriate methodological approaches, because of the wide range of published interviews, articles and specialized information and budget constrains. Although the work was developed through analysis of documents and existing statistics, it is important to mention that this thesis is an overview of the major factor affecting the autonomy of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua.  The advancement of the agricultural border and election results are our sample units because they are major issues affecting the implementation of autonomy.

Qualitative explanation takes many forms. A qualitative researcher does not have to choose between a rigid ideographic/ nomothetic dichotomy –that is between describing specific and verifying universal laws. Instead, a researcher develops explanation or generalizations that are close to concrete data and contexts but more than simple descriptions. He or she usually uses a lower level, less abstract theory, which is grounded in concrete details. He or she may build new theory to create a realistic picture of social life and stimulate understanding more than test a casual hypothesis (Neuman 2003: 440).

Locating relevant data that could explain our sample units and relationship was a major focus of the data analysis. Most of the studies and newspaper reports dealt with the issue separately, since the connection between advancement of the agricultural border and the autonomy was not made until 2005.  This connection makes it possible to illustrate the role of the territory and power sharing as a key issue in the autonomy process.

A notebook was used for coding of the documents and data analysis of existing statistic. Writing notes facilitates data recordings as evidence of generalization or explanation building under each category. I reviewed information published in the period of 2000-2006 from books, journals, and newspapers. I recorded specific information on the territorial issue and regional elections.  I, also, collected information from the following sources:

UNDP (United Nation Development Program)

IPADE (Institution for Democracy)

ENVIO and Pensamiento Propio (specialized magazine for the Central American University)

El Nuevo Diario (Nicaragua’s Newspaper)

La Prensa (Nicaragua’s Newspaper)

CIDCA (Center of Information and Documentation of the Atlantic Coast)

CSE (Nicaragua Electoral Council)

INEC (Nicaragua Institute of Statistic and Census),

Regional Government

This exploratory study of autonomy of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua was conducted over a period of 12 months February 2006 to February 2007.

Methodological Limitation of the Study

One problem encountered was the ability to find reliable data to determine how the population changes are aggravated by the advancement of the agricultural border are affecting the regional elections. The official data found was the census data of 1995; however the data on the 2004 population is an estimate and is not disaggregated by ethnic origin.

There are not any published empirical studies that have used spatially explicit data, human or physical, to measure or explain the advancement of the agricultural border and the change in the autonomy due to population growth, deforestation, and power displacement. The collection of reliable data is important to assess the advancement of the agricultural border affecting the indigenous people. Since 1995, Nicaragua has not collected official census data on the socioeconomic status of their indigenous population on a regular and consistent basis. Furthermore, the most recent disaggregate official data by ethnic origin is dated to 1995. The criteria used to identify the Mestizo population and the indigenous people is an estimate used by the National Institute of Census and Statistic that projected the population in 2004, but it is not disaggregated by ethnic group and only by sex and rural and urban areas.

Because most of the population growth in the last 15 years has been motored by the migration, this data has implications for both the size and characteristic of indigenous and Mestizo population, living in the indigenous territory. The lack of data hinders comparisons of their socioeconomic and demographic status from one decade to another. The absence of recent socioeconomic and demographic data, including labor market data, disaggregated by ethnic origin, is also an indicator of discrimination.

Another limitation encountered is the inconsistency in the definition of Mestizo population. The criteria used to identify who is Mestizo in the autonomy and how they may have changed over time. Those living before the autonomy 1987 are categorized as ethnic groups and those who came after 1990, with the last wave of migration are categorized as Mestizo peasants. This has implications for both the demography and the political participation in the autonomous regimes. The data collection on demographic data by ethnic origin is inconsistent with the principle of autonomy and the rights for indigenous and ethnic groups; the late wave of Mestizo peasants that came after 1990 changed the criteria of identifying the Mestizo population as an ethnic group and may lead to social polarization and fragmentation. Yet others may wish to exclude these groups from voting in the regional elections.

The collection and disaggregation of the data by ethnic groups make it difficult to develop data for comparative purposes and address a key issue, such as the advancement of the agricultural border. This raises a challenge in terms of the indigenous representation and the accommodation of the Mestizo peasants in the current autonomy framework. The data are important to implement the mechanisms and modality of fair power and resource sharing that would enable the government to channel meaningful and cultural sensitive policies for the stabilization of the advancement of the agricultural border and the accommodation of minority rights.

CHAPTER 4

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La Comisión de la Verdad cuando Violeta Chamorro asumió el poder 

‪Razón por la cual todo lo actuado por Ortega no recae en un partido sino los que participarán en la revolución desde el soldado hasta el más alto rango no importa. Eso implicará q el MRS como parte de ese grupo sea visto desde ese ángulo y rendija. Porque son los muchachos q derrotaron a Somoza y destruyeron la economía y la institucionalidad del país. Ortega es el único culpable Cra Dora? El costo histórico será grande y serán décadas q pasaran antes q alguien de izquierda gane el poder una vez q no estén los Ortega-Murillo y Ud como partido nos recordarán q no es conveniente tener a los muchachos que derrotaron a Somoza en el poder – yo nunca estuve de acuerdo con lo que dijo Somoza que lo extrañaríamos – lo que ami no se me olvida es como destruyeron el país y lo repartieron a extranjeros- ya sea sus compitas internacionalistas o Los chinos – la verdad es que los campesinos y los grupos etnicos cuando miramos al MRS y FSLN no vemos diferencia : vemos a los chavalos que derrotaron a Somoza – ‬‪Y podrían entender q eso no es justo – pero se tendrá que conformar una comisión de la verdad para saber lo ocurrido con la documentación del estado y las estructuras de inteligencia así como militar. Mientras eso no exista no podría existir institucionalidad en Nicaragua y Ud juegan un papel fundamental para saber la verdad. ‬

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Migración Borrador 2

‬‪Al menos que se reemplacen los estados nacionales y los límites territoriales, los ciudadanos q viven en un territorio determinado son intolerantes con las migraciones por la competencia de espacio y recursos que trae consigo la ola de migración. Al menos q esta migración sea para trabajos no muy remunerados no causa mucho descontento. Pero en los últimos años la fuga de cerebro hacia las metrópolis- de intelectuales provenientes d países d LATAM- a sido excepcionalmente alta -y esta fuga es no sólo de cerebro sino q beneficia al régimen ya que toda oposición y resistencia al régimen político se marcha al exterior. Perdiendo sus derechos ciudadanos al voto e irónicamente contribuyendo a mejorar la economía del régimen q los expulso. Estos intelectuales pertenecen a la llamada clase media -grupo social diezmado por el régimen ya q es la vanguardia de toda movilidad política. ‬

Con la migración salen no sólo los intelectuales también toda oposición política -una clase media cuya mayoría histórica pertenece a la disidencia de los regímenes dictatoriales.

‪En virtud el régimen no sólo recibe remesas en los millones de dólares- contribuyendo al PIB como un rubro significativo sino también debilita el núcleo de los partidos políticos de oposición.

Hoy en día pensar en migración de manera simplista, es perder la ruta para resolver este problema. Los regímenes que son enemigos declarados de Estados Unidos exportan también intelectuales políticos q promueven una visión anti- Estados Unidos mediante grupos radicales ya sea de izquierda o islamicos. Para Los países pertenecientes al grupo ALBA la migración ha sido un instrumento q los ha fortalecido. Es bien documentado q en los tiempos actuales estos estados promueven  ciudadanos a emigrar eliminando los espacios y oportunidades así como toda posible alternabilidad del poder.

Los inmigrantes en el exterior no deben de dejar de luchar para q existan espacios políticos, económicos, religiosos, ambientales y sociales para detener la sorprendente ola migratoria en el mundo. Y porque no pensar en un espacio para regresar a sus países. Pero para eso la democracia es una condición sine qua non. Pensar en migración no sólo es un muro – el muro es un símbolo. El problema migratorio de LATAM es una lucha q EU abandono desde la llegada de los Clintons a la Casa Blanca – los amigos y vecinos de EU no han recibido el apoyo para contener regímenes que violan los derechos ciudadanos y obligan la migración, ya sea está de cualquier índole. Ha sido una política de “dog eats dog” – Obama cuando anduvo por LATAM en reuniones con los grupos ALBA en virtud de debilitar sus acciones anti democráticas los fortaleció. Es seguro decir q desde la llegada de los Clintons a la Casa Blanca los grupos que una vez fueron parte de la guerra fría y enemigos declarados de EU se han fortalecido y extendido por LATAM.‬

‪Hoy LATAM es una ruta no sólo de droga sino de migración mundial. Y quien sabe si en el camino estos grupos radicales se han domesticado en estos países para reproducir el anti americanismo radical. ‬
‪Pensar en migración es más integral ya que regímenes dictatoriales q violan los derechos humanos y obligan a los ciudadanos a salir al mismo tiempo q exportan la crisis al centro, apuntan a destruir la matriz de la democracia ya q aprendieron a destruir la democracia utilizando las instituciones democráticas  para establecer sus regímenes y porque no influenciar la democracia del centro aplicando las lecciones aprendidas en la periferia.

Estados Unidos debe establecer su influencia de una manera más positiva entre las naciones vecinas. La migración es una asunto q debe de abordarse desde el origen.

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Home » Cocina Nicaragua , Comidas Tipicas , Recetas Nicas » Receta del Perrereque Nicaraguense

Receta del Perrereque Nicaraguense

Dato: 11/11/16 12:47

Receta del Perrereque o Cosa de Horno.
Ingredientes:

2 tazas de masa de maíz

1 barra de mantequilla

3 cuartos tazas de leche

4 huevos

1 taza de cuajada

Una taza y cuarta de azúcar

3 cucharadas de polvo de hornear 

Sal al gusto 

1 cucharada de canela en polvo
La preparación de esta receta es bastante sencillo a a continuación le decimos como:
1 En una pana coloque la masa de maíz justo con la barra de mantequilla, los tres cuartos de leche y los huevos, ahora revuelva bien todos estos ingredientes hasta conseguir una masa homogénea y sin grumo.
2 Cuando la masa ya esta proceda a verter una taza de cuajada desbaratada muy bien vuelva a revolver, ahora agregue el azúcar, el polvo de hornear, sal al gusto y la canela en polvo y revuelva muy bien.
3 Cuando ya esta proceda a verter la mezcla en un sarten previamente engrasado.
4 El horno coloquelo a una temperatura de 180 grados recuerde que antes de meter el sarten lo debió haber precalentado y esto dilatara aproximadamente una hora y quince minutos.

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Este General No hace Cita textual – plagio o alago – yo sé lo q pasa y se hace el disimulado 

‪El jefe militar añadió que el resguardo de Bosawás e Indio maíz, así como las 76 áreas que existen en el país, es un tema de seguridad nacional. Entonces las reservas son del ejército y Nicaragua? No entiendo esos son nuestros territorios no del ejército – están verificadas las construcciones en el centro de Río Indio Maíz solo es cuestión de tiempo de saber quién es quién y detrás de esto de que las reservas de Bosawas y Río Indio Maíz son de interés nacional – son territorios indígenas no del esjwexito ni del estado de Nicaragua – para eso pues llamemos a otros también para establecer propiedad si es así la cosa pues. No sabía q era del ejército y el estado d Nicaragua Bosawas y Río Indio Maíz – no es sabio eso – quiero creer q fue ‬una palabra utilizada en un mal contexto – porque si la reserva es de interés nacional

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Carta a Colindres q ponga Orden en los consulados parecen caramancheles del oriental: bienes y anarquía de horarios 

‪Estas personas nicaragüenses en el exterior q trabajaron en Nicaragua parte de su vida y ahora q tienen un retiro de hambre del INSS es todo un robo el trámite. Para continuar recibiendo el dinero cada seis meses tienen q sacar una fe de vida. El trámite es ir al consulado con la foto y sacar el documemento y enviarlo a Nicaragua. Encima de q cada 6meses tienen q sacar la supuesta fe de vida para que el INSS les pague un salario de hambre hoy el consulado de Los Ángeles olímpicamente dice que ya no hacen el trámite y te dan un lugar de mala muerte donde ir a sacar la supuesta fe de vida. Hoy acompañe a alguien y por no gritarles q eran ladrones me quede en el carro – al preguntar lo pertinente sobre el supuesto trámite. ‬‪Hasta hace poco la persona hacia el trámite en el consulado y no pagaba. Lo más q se pago fueron 20 dólares.Ahora el consulado no hacen el trámite y te dan una dirección donde lo hacen a cambio de pagar 120 dólares es el famoso MTON. Yo les digo algo los Sandinistas son personas deshonestas y corruptas – el robo consiste en q dejaron de hacer el trámite y la persona del consulado te refiere a la oficina de MTOM- el mismo nica le roba al nica sin descaro – son cobros inecesarios q las mismas personas pueden hacer – el hecho q la persona pierde el día y llega al consulado esperando un servicio y este ya no existe y te refieren a una oficina cualquiera privada y te cobran 120 ( para el sello notarial, el trámite en la oficina del gobierno q antes no se hacía y el envío del documento por MTOM es un robo al no avisarle a los ciudadanos nicaragüenses que hacen uso del Consulado cada 6 meses – es un engaño – ‬

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No hay Mía Culpa Para los Intelectuales – ohhh Gramsci

‪Les digo, nunca hemos estado tan cerca de separamos de Nicaragua con un gobierno bluff como este- poker face – sigan creyendoles Uds en la capital.,nosotros no creemos- ese cuento de poder no existe. Los campesinos e indígenas estamos unidos y hablando y no q les creemos el cuento cuando la Costa se levanta Nicaragua tiembla – ahí Sandino empezó. Y nadie se metió para conquistar por los zancudos y esos caminos son de Dios.  Quieren hacer una carretera – está bien – se acuerda comandante compañero, cuando la guerra de los 80’s en los caños cómo caían. Y ni los podían sacar a sus muertos. Llevaban cepas de banano en los ataúdes hasta que los retaron las mujeres de Monimbo, abrieron los ataúdes aún rodeados por militares. A punta de machete. Empezó en un entierro en Monimbo y termino en el mercado municipal de Masaya cuando no dejaron salir la caravana de buses llenos de chavalos al servicio militar. Nadie habla de eso, parece q a los compitas escribamos se silenciaron – parecen q son 3 pm un Domingo.  Pero tiene sus letras selectivas en sus escritos. No mencionan el incidente. Ni los rojo y negro, ni los anaranjados mucho menos los opositores xq esos no estaban – los opositores en ese tiempo era Virgilio Godoy y otros. Yo estaba ahí cuando el burum-bum-bum ‬‪El comandante debería contar esa historia. A partir de ahí todo se les vino es bajada a los illuminati de los nueve comandantes y su Entourage – parece q según la escritora G. Belli dice no tener propiedades y por tal razón está libre de toda culpa. Parece que S. Ramírez y G.Belli cuantificar la influencia intelectual de otra manera – como quien dice eso no es mía culpa. I that what I have to say about that ‬

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Borrador infinito : El Pan 

‪@BosawasRioIndio xq el pan? No es q me guste el carbo…trato de tener un pan con más fibra posible. Pero el pan tiene una simbología profunda en la arquitectura y genética del humano – en cualquier lugar es un ritual – el aspecto sociológico del pan es – como lo ven difícil de describir – pero – trató… el pan tiene una significado bíblico, muy ligado a la comunidad, su pobreza, su bondades ‬- el pan tiene levadura algo q fue designado como mundano por Dios, tiene la última palabra de los exploradores q mueren de hambre, … seguiremos hablando del pan y el nacatamal y las panaderías locales y la quema de leña 

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Debemos Contarnos – Nosotros

‪No se trata de ser anti inmigrante pero las sociedades en camino a las rutas migratorias deben de incluir en sus políticas instrumentos y herramientas para abordar los temas de migración. Y no desde el punto de vista del activismo. Sino de soluciones más efectivas y sostenibles. Es de mucho interés llamar la atención sobre este tema cuando durante décadas se ha sido testigo de las migraciones de la frontera agrícola. Testigos de la lucha por el espacio – el poco espacio q queda disponible para oxígeno y alimentos. La gente cree qué hay espacio. Nicaragua carece de un planeamiento rural y urbano basado en la tasa de crecimiento poblacional y de inversión pública/privada. Dos personas mal acomodadas- desordenadamente en un espacio hacen más daño q seis personas organizadas en el mismo espacio. Si nos contamos nosotros y planeamos podríamos hacer algo. Hasta la fecha el estado continúa escondiendo los datos -pero si los siguen escondiendo- es directo a guindo -con los ojos vendados -que iremos a parar. El mal planeamiento y ejecución es lo más dañino para la seguridad alimentaria y de vivienda. Debemos proteger nuestras tierras, el territorio es lo que nos asegura el futuro. Para eso deben de existir políticas claras para resolver el creciente problema de migración y nuestro crecimiento interno: planeamiento urbano y rural – no desde la óptica del estado y municipalidad sino de la inversión y desarrollo. Si estamos esperando q el estado lo haga, nos quedaremos esperando. Debemos contarnos nosotros mismo. ‬

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